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Anne Rasmussen, "Interest
group-party interaction in EU politics," Party
Politics, 18 (January, 2012), 81-98. [Available at
http://ppq.sagepub.com/content/vol18/issue1/
]
First paragraph:
The European Union has brought about important changes in
representation. Non-partisan channels of representation have
been strengthened by the Commission's attempts to promote
the representation of civil society and interest
associations. In contrast, national parties have a hard time
getting heard, as they do not enjoy the same type of access
to the EU level as they have traditionally had in many
member states (see, e.g., Gaffney, 1996; Kritzinger et al.,
2007; Mair, 2006). Some even go as far as to link the EU's
legitimacy problem to these shifts in representation
(Andersen and Eliassen, 1995: 255). However, even though it
is widely acknowledged that the EU affects representation,
we have surprisingly few studies of how the key actors of
representation, i.e. interest groups and parties, have
adapted to these new circumstances. Some europeanization
studies focusing on interest groups but also to some extent
on parties have emerged (Eising 2006; Mair 2000; Ladrech
2002; Pogunkte et al. 2007). However, scholars have tended
to examine them in isolation from each other just as they
have done in the general literature on parties and interest
groups (Allern, 2010; Allern and Bale, this
issue).
- Figures and
Tables:
- Table 1. The interest group populations
- Table 2. Importance of different partisan actors to
influence domestic and EU policy (per cent)
- Table 3. Relative importance of national parties as
regards influence on domestic and EU policy (per
cent)
- Table 4. Importance of MPs from government and
opposition to influence EU policy (per cent)
- Table 5. Importance of different actors to influence
EU policy (per cent)
- Table 6. Summary statistics
- Table 7. Results from ordered logistic regression
models of importance attached to national political
parties when it comes to influencing EU policy
- Figure 1. Partisan collaboration and importance
attached to national political parties to influence EU
policy (predicted probabilities
Last Paragraph:
(first paragraph of conclusions) The results draw a less
pessimistic picture of how the EU impacts on existing modes
of representation than the one presented by some authors
concerned about the EU's legitimacy problems. Instead of
focusing on how parties and interest groups have adapted
individually, I examine whether the EU has any effect on
their relationship to each other. This is first done by
looking at whether there are any differences between EU and
domestic policy in the extent to which interest groups rely
on national parties in the policy processes. Findings from
British, Danish and Dutch surveys from a project on interest
group-party relations show very clearly that, even though
interest groups attach lower importance to national parties
in EU as opposed to domestic policy, the national parties
are by no means irrelevant. Even if the EU has strengthened
the ability of interest groups to influence policy at the
expense of political parties, interest groups still attach
high importance to the national parties. In fact, almost
half the respondents rank national parties as equally
important in EU and domestic policy, and even within EU
policy national parties are not given a lower priority than
parties and politicians at the EU level. There is thus no
evidence that direct interest group influence has replaced
reliance on national parties in these policymaking
processes.
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