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Giacomo Benedetto and Lucia Quaglia, "The Comparative
Politics of Communist Euroscepticism in France, Italy and
Spain," Party Politics, 13 (July 2007), 478-499.
First paragraph:
The study of Euroscepticism has gained currency in academic
research, informing a rapidly expanding literature that has
generally focused on the most recent period, even though
Euroscepticism1 is a long-term phenomenon that dates back to
the early stages of European integration in the late 1940s.
The few empirical studies that have adopted a wider time
frame for analysis have mostly been single country studies
(Forster, 2003), rather than comparative political parties
studies. So far, very few studies (Batory and Sitter, 2004;
Marks and Wilson, 2000; Marks et al., 2002) have dealt with
party families over a decade or so, concluding that ideology
and cleavages are the main explanatory factors in
determining the orientations of political parties and party
families towards the European Union (EU).
Figures and Tables:
Table 1. Periodization of parties' positions towards
'Europe'
Table 2. Vote- and coalition-seeking behaviour of the PCF,
PCI, PCE and their successors
Table 3. Communist share of popular vote and electoral
turnout, since 1953
Fourth from Last
Paragraph:
We can therefore conclude that our hypothesis is correct.
Influenced by vote- and coalition-seeking considerations,
West European Communist parties have modified their
Euroscepticism at different speeds and at different times,
despite starting from a position of hard Euroscepticism
established by their status as anti-system parties supported
by an external power. This finding is of note if we consider
Communists to be a regimented party family, since the
divergence between the three cases commenced well before
1989. International factors are important, although they
affected the three parties differently. This study has shown
that domestic and party-specific factors are of equal
weight
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