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Richard Dunphy and Tim Bale,
"Red Flag Still Flying? Explaining AKEL - Cyprus's Communist
Anomaly," Party Politics, 13 (May 2007), 287-304.
First paragraph:
The Cypriot communist party (properly known as
AKEL--Anorthotiko Komma tou Ergazomenou
Laou--Progressive Party of Working People) is one of the
most interesting and unusual political parties in Europe
today. The party's red and gold logo proudly displays the
date 1926 (marking the foundation of its forerunner, the
Kommounistiko Komma Kyprou--KKK) as well as the traditional
hammer in the clenched fist. Yet it is also one of the few
communist parties in Europe that has seen its electoral
support grow throughout the 1990s and into the present
century: true, the legislative elections of May 2006 saw it
slip back slightly from the 35 percent of the popular vote
it won in 2001 (see Christophorou, 2002); but on 31 percent
it remains the single largest party in the House of
Representatives. It is the only communist party that
continues to dominate the political left in an EU member
state, easily out-polling its social democratic rivals. It
is also the only self-declared communist party in Europe to
hold a significant clutch of ministerial seats as a result
of its kingmaking role in presidential elections. And it is
one of the few parties, of either left or right, that has
managed to buck the pan-European trend towards declining
party membership, remaining a truly mass party with a
relatively steady membership.
Figures and Tables:
Table 1. Present-day parties and party families in the
Republic of Cyprus
Last Paragraph:
Aspects of Cypriot political culture have so far served to
cushion many of the island's parties from severe
fluctuations in their fortunes. Ideological
polarization--primed and promoted by parties like AKEL--runs
deep, and most people have a strong sense of belonging to
the right or the left. Voting patterns are relatively
stable. Cyprus is a very small country and politics has an
immediacy and an intimacy now missing in larger countries,
if indeed it ever existed. Turnout is high. Clientelist
relations abound. Cypriot parties tend to function in part
as large, extended families or clans that look after the
interests of their members and supporters and provide a
strong sense of belonging. Politics is very much a family
business: many AKEL leaders are the children (and
grandchildren) of previous generations of AKEL activists,
and deserting the party or attacking its leaders or
traditions in public is almost akin to impugning the honour
of the family. Thus, the danger of dissent and desertions is
reduced and the room for manoeuvre of leadership elites is
increased. And yet such a conservative (and, we should add,
overwhelmingly patriarchal) political culture can also
encourage slow, gradual atrophy. Skilful leadership is
needed to ensure the right balance between change and
continuity--just as it was for the communist successor
parties of Central and Eastern Europe (Grzymala-Busse,
2002). AKEL has been fortunate in this respect so far, but
this holds no guarantees for the future.
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