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John Carey and Andrew
Reynold, "Parties and Accountable Government in New
Democracies," Party Politics, 13 (March 2007),
255-274.
Second paragraph:
his article examines some factors that affect whether
parties in new democracies deliver on the promise of
accountable government. We focus on parties in legislative
assemblies for a couple of reasons. First, assemblies are
the central representative institutions in all democracies.
Chief executives may or may not be popularly elected. Where
they are not, they are generally selected from within the
assembly, and even where they are, major policy decisions
must still be approved by assemblies. Second, assemblies are
the 'natural habitat' of parties in government because they
are plural bodies. In most democratic assemblies, most
decisions are made by majority rule, and those that are not
generally require super majorities, so decisiveness within
assemblies requires collective action among large numbers of
politicians. Party organizations are the near-universal
means of coordinating such action in assemblies. Virtually
all modern democratic legislatures are organized along party
lines, meaning that party units are accorded rights over
legislative resources, including representation on the organ
that controls the legislative agenda, as well as whatever
offices and staff are available.
Figures and Tables:
Figure 1a. Elite concern about national party leader
opinions
Figure 1b. Elite concern about district opinions
Figure 1c. Should national party have more power over
legislature?
Figure 2. Box plot of weighted Rice indices by regime type
and intra-party electoral competition.
Table 1. Mean share of legislative votes won for government
and opposition parties in systems with and without popularly
elected presidents
Table 2. Hypothesized discipline and program coherence in
governing parties in new democracies
Last Paragraph:
To put our central argument in its bluntest terms, parties
may be strong internally but be vacuous and fickle when it
comes to policy content. When this is the case, parties fail
to deliver programs that respond to citizen preferences in
the manner depicted by the strong party ideal, and do not
advance the cause of accountable government. This is not to
suggest that political parties are unimportant in the
establishment and consolidation of new democracies, but
rather to highlight that the strong party normative ideal
prevalent in much academic work rooted in the experience of
developed democracies is frequently inapplicable to how
parties in new democracies operate. In particular, in the
absence of programmatic consistency at the collective level,
citizens and political reformers frequently demand an
alternative,individualistic brand of accountability.
Individualistic accountability does not hold out the
immediate promise of collective goods based government,as
does the strong party ideal, but it does offer the
opportunity to punish specific transgressions of trust and
abuses of power, perhaps minimizing the potential for
predatory behavior by elected representatives,perhaps until
the electoral value of reliable party labels can accrue over
time.
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