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Joy Langston, "The Changing
Party of the Institutional Revolution: Electoral Competition
and Decentralized Candidate Selection," Party
Politics, 12 (May, 2006), 395-413.
First Paragraph:
Political parties are often forced to redesign electoral
strategies in the face of new external challenges in the
political-electoral environment. One of the most important
tasks of any political party is to select candidates who
will then compete under the organization's label in
electoral contests. In non-competitive electoral
environments, the pressures on the leaders of political
parties to choose certain candidates do not include their
popularity with the voters, but rather with other goals,
such as building factional support and strengthening the
leader's position within the regime. In the mid-1990s, Pippa
Norris classified the Party of the Institutional Revolution
(or PRI) as a centralized, patronage-based party (1996:
203). Yet, less than 10 years later this classification has
begun to change. This work examines how Mexico's hegemonic
party1 has reacted to external electoral pressures and, in
doing so, sought out party politicians whose careers are now
based in state politics, not the national political arena,
to represent the organization in competitive elections. The
federal form of government plays an important part in this
process, but because it does not change over the time period
studied it cannot be considered an explanatory variable.
Rather, rising competition at the ballot box is filtered
through this multi-tiered structure of power-sharing,
forcing politicians to win elections in the local, state and
national arenas. As a result, party leaders within the
traditionally centralized party organization have begun to
choose more state-based candidates for the Senate and allow
governers more influence in the selection process, which has
the effect of devolving some candidate selection power to
the revived state political arena.
Figures and Tables:
Table 1. Prior posts of PRI majority senate candidate
profiles: Average of 1976, 1982, 1988 compared to 2000
Figure 1. Overall senate vote won by each party,
1970-2000
Table 2. Descriptive statistics of the candidate profile
model
Table 3. Logit regressions for candidate profile
Table 4. Prior experience, PRI and Pan majority senate
candidates (2000-6)
Last Paragraph:
There have been other important changes within the
organization of the once-hegemonic PRI; however, in this
article I have concentrated only on the decentralization of
senate recruitment to exemplify the wider transformation of
the PRI. One of the most important points not covered in
this work is changing of candidate selection rules for top
executive posts, such as the president and governors. After
political competition had made the exit option for PRI
politicians viable, losing gubernatorial hopefuls, who had
lost out in the nomination, began to leave the party and run
under opposition banners. The combination of political
competition and exit options for ambitious politicians
convinced President Ernesto Zedillo (1994-2000) to rework
the gubernatorial nomination rules in practice (formally,
these procedures did not change as primaries were
contemplated in the statutes, but almost never used). Ending
almost 70 years of top-down presidential imposition of PRI
gubernatorial candidates, Zedillo and the PRI's top
leadership instituted open primaries in 1998. These
primaries shifted the incentive structure for ambitious
politicians, as state-level PRI politicians now had an
advantage over their national counterparts because they were
better known among the state's electorate. Thus, in addition
to decentralizing legislative recruitment, electoral
competition had the effect of devolving decision-making
power to the state's voters, governors and stateoriented
politicians.
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