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Goldie Shabad and Kazimierz
M. Slomczynski, "Inter-Party Mobility among Parliamentary
Candidates in Post-Communist East Central Europe," Party
Politics, 10 (March 2004), 151-176.
First Paragraph:
The continual formations of
entirely new parties, some of which acquire 'overnight'
success, and the ongoing disappearance, schisms and mergers
of established parties, together with high rates of
electoral volatility, attest to the
under-institutionalization of the party systems of new
democracies in East Central Europe. Such party-system
fluidity reflects a still 'open' and uncertain political
market in which the partisan commitments of politicians and
voters alike are not yet stable and the costs of shifting
allegiances are relatively low (Bielasiak, 1997; Lewis,
2000; Mair, 1996). Yet, it would be inaccurate to
characterize the party systems of East Central Europe as
being in a perpetual state of disarray. On the contrary,
there is a growing body ofresearch demonstrating that
party-system institutionalization is taking place, albeit
more so in some countries than in others (Baylis, 1998;
Bielasiak, 1999; Ilonszki, 2000; Kitschelt et al., 1999;
Lewis, 2000; Miller and White, 1998; Shabad and Slomczynski,
1999, 2002; Slomczynski and Shabad, 2002; Toka, 1997;
Tworzecki, 1996).
Figures and Tables:
Table 1. Types of candidates in
elections to parliament in Poland (1993 and 1997) and the
Czech Republic (1992, 1996 and 1998)
Table 2. Types of inter-party mobility among candidates in
parliamentary elections in Poland (1993 and 1997) and the
Czech Republic (1992, 1996 and 1998)
Table 3. Types of candidates in elections to parliament in
Poland (1993 and 1997) and the Czech Republic (1992, 1996
and 1998)
Table 4. Mobility within and between political families for
parliamentary elections in Poland, 1991-3 and 1993-7
Table 5. Mobility within and between political families for
parliamentary elections in the Czech Republic, 1990-2,
1992-6 and 1996-8
Table 6. Mobility to winning and losing parties in Poland,
1993 and 1997
Table 7. Mobility to winning and losing parties in the Czech
Republic, 1992, 1996 and 1998
Table 8. Logistic regression of electoral success on type of
inter-party mobility in Poland (1993 and 1997) and the Czech
Republic (1992, 1996 and 1998)
Last Paragraph:
Finally, we approached
inter-party mobility from the perspective of the relative
electoral payoffs to the individual candidate. Scholars have
argued that party-switching is likely to be widespread when
institutions and other aspects of the electoral environment
provide low transaction costs to politicians' pursuit of
electoral success and the achievement of other goals
(Desposato, 2002; Kreuzer and Pettai, 2002). However, our
findings showed that in both the Czech Republic and Poland
(despite the lower transaction costs exacted by
institutional rules in these countries), partisan loyalty
was more often than not the best route to parliament. Only
shifting allegiances due to party mergers (in the case of
Poland in 1997) or party splits (in the case of the Czech
Republic in 1998) turned out to be even more beneficial.
Although voluntary movers stood a better chance of winning
relative to that of novice candidates, their prospects would
have been even greater had they remained stable in their
partisan attachments. And some types of partyswitching
proved to be very costly to the candidate. Thus, it is not
the case that party-switching was in all instances cost
free. If a learning process is taking place among
politicians, as our various findings about patterns of
inter-party mobility indicate, then the knowledge that party
loyalty tends to reap the greatest reward should be a strong
incentive for politicians to behave in self-interested ways
that also help to promote the institutionalization of their
party systems.
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