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Paul Whiteley and Patrick
Seyd, "Party Election Campaigning in Britain: The Labour
Party," Party Politics, 9 (September 2003),
637-652.
First Paragraph:
The purpose of this article is to estimate the effects of
Labour's campaigning on electoral participation and party
choice in the general election of 2001. Since the impact of
Labour's campaign cannot be assessed without taking into
account the campaigns of its main rivals, attention is also
paid to the campaigning activities of the Conservatives and
Liberal Democrats. But the main focus of the article is on
the Labour campaign. It is important to remember that while
commentators often describe a British general
election campaign in the singular, general elections are
actually fought out in 659 separate constituencies. While
some features of election campaigning will be the same
regardless of the locality, there are enough variations in
campaigning efforts, styles and intensities across the
country to make it necessary to describe the election in
terms of a set of different campaigns. Variations in these
campaigns will depend upon a range of factors, including the
geographical location (for example, England, Wales, Scotland
and Northern Ireland), the closeness of the constituency
contest, the state of local party organizations and the
calibre and commitment of the candidates.
Figures and
Tables:
Figure 1: Labour's election campaign 2001
Table 1: Elector perceptions of the campaign ni the 2001
general election
Table 2: Elector perceptions of the campaign in 2001 by
party
Table 3: Conversion and reinforcement in constituency
campaigns
Table 4: The mobilization scales
Table 5: Logistic regressions of mobilization on turnout in
2001
Table 6: Logistic regressions of mobilization on party
choice in 2001
Table 7: Logistic regressions of mobilization on party
choice in 2001: standardized effects
Table 8: Logistic regressions of mobilization on Labour
voting in 2001
Last Paragraph:
These findings reinforce conclusions from earlier research
that constituency campaigning is important in influencing
voting behaviour. They also demonstrate the significance of
party election broadcasts as part of the parties' central
campaigning efforts; this is at a time when there are some
doubts concerning the future format of such broadcasts.
These opportunities for the parties to address the voters
directly turn out to be quite important. In the context of a
de-aligned electorate and a 24-hour news cycle it appears
that campaigning is important and may become more important
in the future. In the context of declining party membership
and activism (Whiteley and Seyd, 2002) party leaderships
will have to devise incentives in order to encourage
volunteers to participate in these campaigns in the future.
At the moment the marginalization of party members in the
British political process by the Blair government (see Seyd
and Whiteley, 2002) is likely to reduce the incentives for
voluntary action in the Labour Party. If this continues it
means that the voluntary party will be significantly weaker
at the time of the next election than it was in 2001.
Turning this around will not be easy, but in the long run it
will mean bringing the members into partnership with the
government and the party in parliament, rather than largely
ignoring them. But that raises a whole new
debate.
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