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Jim Josefson, "An Exploration of the Stability of
Partisan Stereotypes in the United States," Party
Politics, 6 (July 2000), 285-304.
First Paragraph:
The stability of partisanship in the USA has been a central
concern of political behavior research since the development
of party identification measures. The issue has aroused
much-spirited debate but, despite continued controversy, the
degree and sources of partisanship instability seem very far
from settled due to a complicated tangle of thorny
methodological issues (Erickson et al., 1998; Green et al.,
1998). Given this confusion, the approach to partisanship
followed by Trilling (1976) and Wattenberg (1994), looking
instead at 'party images' or what I will call partisan
stereotypes for evidence of partisanship stability, might be
profitable. The American National Election Study (ANES)
party identification measure of partisanship has always been
defined in terms of long-term affective identification with
a party, a facet of partisanship that should naturally be so
resistant to change that it will be difficult to separate
out significant variance from measurement error. The
advantage of looking at partisan stereotypes, or the
meanings people attach to the parties, is that the
categories people use in exercising partisan reasoning
should be naturally more variable, and therefore a good
place to look for partisanship instability. For instance, a
partisan might reliably say over time when asked that she is
a strong Republican, but her notion of what it means to be a
Republican and the categories that she ascribes to
Republicans and herself as a Republican might easily be more
variable. In 1992, for example, she might conceive of
Republicans more in terms of their defense of 'family
values', while in 1996 she might categorize Republicans more
in terms of their policies about taxing and spending.
Figures and Tables:
Table 1: Stability of net party likes/dislikes responses in
ANES panel data: correlation coefficients between waves
Table 2: Continuity in Democratic party likes/dislikes in
ANES panel data
Table 3: Continuity in identical responses, democratic party
likes/dislikes in ANES panel data
Table 4: Top five responses in Democratic party
likes/dislikes
Table 5: Summary of cluster contents, 1952-92, by era
Last Paragraph:
The understanding of party stereotypes presented here is
different from the usual notion of stereotypes as either a
structure of attitudes or as short cuts for political
cognition, because it allows us to conceptualize stereotypes
not as the intentions behind behaviors but rather as the
structure within which intentional behaviors are formed.
This structure has two main characteristics, which I have
used as analytical tools in this paper: normativity, which
determines which understandings are most available or
powerful in shaping cognition, and heterogeneity, which
describes the degree of variety in the understandings
available for cognition, their depth, complexity and
meaning. These characteristics allow us to see that not only
does it matter just what meanings citizens attach to the
parties but also the character of those meanings matter as
well. The character of contemporary partisan categories
presents a double-edged sword for the future of partisanship
stability. While the 1990s have produced new strongly
normative understandings of the parties which encourage
partisanship stability, the concurrent rise of negative
categories and social issues as well as the continuing
presence of old New Deal stereotypes have increased
stereotype heterogeneity and the potential for partisanship
instability. Nevertheless, the rise of new normative
categories suggests that American politics has finally seen
a subtle political realignment, not in the sense of a new
distribution of partisan loyalties, but in the sense of a
new definition of political conflict (Schattschneider, 1960;
Sundquist, 1983).
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