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Junko Kato and Michael Laver, "Party Policy and Cabinet
Portfolios in Japan, 1996," Party Politics, 4 (April
1998), 253-260.
First Paragraph:
The implementation of models of party competition and
government for-mation often demands the availability of good
data on party positions on a range of key policy dimensions.
Of the range of methods that can be used to derive such
estimates -- including the content analysis of party
manifestos, elite surveys of party politicians, and mass
surveys of party voters -- one very convenient method is the
expert survey. Early exponents of this technique were Morgan
(1976), as well as Castles and Mair (1984; see also 1997);
more recent and comprehensive implementations have been
reported by Laver and Hunt (1992) as well as Huber and
Inglehart (1995). The expert survey technique involves
sending a postal questionnaire to a sample or population of
political scientists who are knowledgeable about the
political system under investigation, asking them to use
their best judge-ment to locate the positions of various
parties on various policy dimensions.
Figures and Tables:
Table 1: Ten substantive policy scales and their
end-points
Table 2: Party policy positions in Japan, 1996
Table 3: Party-specific salience of policy dimensions in
Japan, 1996
Table 4: Estimated relative importance of cabinet portfolios
in Japan, 1996
Last Paragraph:
Data on party policy positions are not interesting in
themselves, of course. They become interesting when used to
enable the implementation of some particular model or
approach, such as the analysis of government formation in
Japan reported elsewhere in this special issue (Kato and
Laver, 1998). Nonetheless, we can draw some general
methodological lessons from the application of the expert
survey technique to the Japanese case. The specific
adaptation of the survey form to the Japanese context, its
translation into Japanese, and its administration from a
Japanese base in the University of Tokyo do appear to have
increased the response rate considerably. Combined with the
use of a much larger universe of Japan-based experts than in
the original Laver-Hunt survey, this has generated far more
responses and has resulted in estimated policy positions
with much smaller standard errors, which we can thus use
with much greater confidence in implementing models of party
competition and government formation in Japan.
Above all else, however, the main purpose of this note is to
put these data into circulation, in the hope that they may
be of interest and use to others who are analysing party
politics in contemporary Japan.
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